ISKANDER MIRZA AND AYUB KHAN BEHIND THE SCENE

The following article shows certain very rare and extra ordinary qualities of human beings depicted in these two very important characters of our country. They changed the entire course of our history. Their impact will continue to overwhelm the political life of our country for centuries to come. The readers can make their own assessment about their unforgettable role for eulogizing them or otherwise.

Left: Lt. Colonel (Retired) Syed Iskandar Ali Mirza - Right: General Muhammad Ayub Khan

There are many men and women in History who had two faces as all that glitters is not gold. Iskandar Mirza and Ayub Khan were among such persons. Lt. Colonel (Retired) Syed Iskandar Ali Mirza Defence Secretary was due for retirement in 1954 on attaining the age of 55 years (he was born on 13^th November 1899 and General Muhammad Ayub Khan the Commander-in-Chief of Pakistan Army, was due for retirement on 17^th January 1954, on completion of his three years' service (he was appointed c-in-c on 17^th January 1951). Mirza got King's Commission from Royal Military Academy Sandhurst in 1920 and Ayub got King's Commission from Sandhurst on 2^nd February 1928. While passing out, they took oath that they would ever remain loyal to the Great Britain and the British Raj at the peril of their lives. They remained true to their oaths and remained ever loyal to the King of Britain and later Queen Elizabeth II of Britain. Oblivious of their new responsibilities after independence of Pakistan on 14^th August 1947, they had their hearts and souls for their original masters and the West. Both joined hands in their personal interest exclusively (and not in the interest of the state). Both tore the entire fabric of the Nation for their lust for power by not allowing the political system to flourish in the country. Their indulgence in political affairs of the country resulted in the breakup of Pakistan (separation of East Pakistan) with great humiliation in December 1971. Iskandar Mirza's great great great grandfather Syed Mir Jafar Ali Mirza was a traitor so he had a hereditary trait of disloyalty. He served for six years in the Military Police of the British Indian Army. As a Captain, his services were transferred to Indian Political service and posted in KPK as the British Indian Political Agent in 1926 and served there upto 1946. He played his role in the best interest of the British Indian Government and also served with Olaf Chero, the British Governor of KPK at the time of Independence. This Governor had organized and inspired certain people in KPK to stage an Independent "Pakhtunistan State" comprising of present KPK and the tribal areas. Iskandar Mirza stayed In KPK for twenty long years and was instrumental in introducing tribal Sardars to the Governor. For Pakistan's bad luck, Syed Iskandar Ali Mirza was later posted in the British Indian Defence Ministry as Deputy Additional Secretary Defence. It was most unfortunate that an officer who was not from Indian Civil service (I.C.S) but from British Indian Political service and a very loyal officer of the British Indian Government was accepted in Pakistan and appointed Defence Secretary as a retired Lt. Colonel after Independence.

He was apparently very obedient and sweet but highly deceitful. Lt General(R) Abdul Majid Malik has written in his memoires that Syed Iskandar Ali Mirza made a false file and got Ayub appointed C-In-C. Now both became King Makers in Pakistan's politics. The Prime Minister Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan had liberated Azad Kashmir. Pandit Nehru approached UNO for a ceasefire assuring a plebiscite in occupied Kashmir. This event was exploited to that extent for two and a half years that ultimately became known as "The Rawalpindi Conspiracy 1951" against the authority of the PM. The Officers were not arrested or tried in a court Martial when General David Gracey was C-in-C. Major General Shahid Hamid, who was head of military intelligence never told the PM about the conspiracy. The Rawalpindi Conspiracy was dramatically leaked outasAyub was appointed C-in-C. This creates lots of doubts about the credibility of this story. Mirza and Ayub were called at Sargodha by the PM on receiving information from Mr. I. I. Chundrigar Governor KPK, who was earlier informed by a Sub Inspector Syed Askar Ali Shah (brother of late Lt Colonel Syed Sultan Ali Shah). Both lied to the PM that they knew nothing about the said conspiracy.  "They will go to Peshawar and meet Asker Ali Shah to know details". On the other hand, Ayub writes in his book that General Gracey had told him about "Young Turks" in Pakistan Army. The officers were arrested on 9^th March 1951, but their trial started on  15^th June 1951 by the Hyderabad Tribunal. Certain civilians including Faiz Ahmed Faiz were also arrested to give a communist touch to the false story. Four months after the start of trial of officers, the PM was assassinated on 16^th October 1951. If the conspiracy were true, then the life of PM was certainly in great danger, but neither Civil nor military intelligence and security cared for his life on that fateful day of October 16, 1951. PM's assassination was a blessing in disguise for Syed Iskandar Ali Mirza and Ayub Khan. They were the beneficiaries of PM assassination. They formed a Troika with Ghulam Muhammad. He was sick, a cripple and these two gentlemen were his crutches, and became King Makers; otherwise both would have retired in 1954.

Crash of the plane bringing Major General Iftikhar (GOC Lahore), and Brigadier Sher Khan near Jang Shahi between the nights of 12 and 13December 1949, was also a blessing in disguise for Iskandar Mirza Ayub axis. Similarly, crash of plane over Khewara mines carrying I.G. Special Police Mian Aitezaz Uddin was also a blessing in disguise for all those who were involved in the assassination of the PM. General Gracey had told Lt. General Wajahat Hussain  (1956) that he had not recommended Ayub as C-in-C because he was ambitious and most unsuitable for appointment as C-in-C.

65 years of Research on PM's assassination endorses the belief of Dr Ayesha Jalal that the Rawalpindi Conspiracy was a false case, organized by the British and the American Agencies in collaboration with their sympathizers in Pakistan Government and the Armed forces. It is obvious that the Rawalpindi Conspiracy involved the assassination of the PM as a drop scene. It was the main aim of fabricating the false story of the Rawalpindi Conspiracy 1951. The political scientists believe that the story of the Rawalpindi Conspiracy was fabricated to shock the PM. It intended to blindfold the PM by showing false loyalty by planning to unduly prolong the trial, create hatred against the PM and the War Heroes (alleged officers) by the print media and facilitate the assassination of the PM by neglecting or withdrawing the State Security by the Civil and Military Intelligence agencies during the visit to Rawalpindi on the fateful day of 16^th October 1951. On 17^th October 1951, the Troika of Ghulam Muhammad, Iskandar Mirza and Ayub Khan captured power. After a lapse of one and a half year, both Iskandar Mirza and Ayub Khan realized that they would have to quit their respective posts on retirement in 1954. They had no chance of staying back in their seats. They were also unlikely to get an extension from the PM Khwaja Nazimuddin. Therefore, both decided to remove the Prime Minister on 17^th April 1953. After nine months Ayub was due for retirement on 17^th January 1954, followed by the retirement of Iskandar Mirza in the same year (1954). Both the king makers called the Pakistan's Ambassador in the USA Mr. Muhammad Ali Bogra to reach Pakistan immediately. According to the message delivered to Mr. Bogra the Governor General wanted to see him immediately, failing which he would be sacked. The Ambassador managed to land at Karachi Airport between the night of 16 and 17 April 1953 after encountering great difficulties.  He was received by the king makers at the Airport and was taken to the VIP lounge. He was told to stay there till sunrise until the Governor General gets up. They told him that he has been appointed Prime Minister of Pakistan. He was surprised to know this news. In the morning Mr. Bogra was taken to the Governor General later on Mr. Bogra was taken to the office of the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin had gone to visit East Pakistan; he was declared dismissed and was instructed not to return to West Pakistan. Three Files were placed before Mr. Bogra.

According to file number 1 Mr. Iskandar Ali Mirza was appointed as the Interior Minister in addition to his duties as the Defence Secretary. According to the Second file, Ayub Khan was appointed as the Defence Minister in addition to his duties as the C-in-C. According to the third file, The Prime Minister Muhammad Ali Bogra awards three years extension to Ayub Khan as C-in-C almost nine months before the date of his actual retirement on 17^th January 1954. After a lapse of two years Mr. Bogra was sent back to the USA to resume his duties as the Pakistan's Ambassador to USA. Both Iskandar Mirza and Ayub Khan forced Ghulam Muhammad to go on two months sick leave and thus Iskandar Mirza assumed the position asActing Governor General on 6^th August 1955. On 6^th October 1955 Iskandar Mirza becomes Governor General and the Gazette notification is issued in 1955 that Iskandar Mirza had retired from the post of the Defence Secretary w.e.f. 1954. Next PM ChaudharyMuhammad Ali ( who had advised or misguided the then Governor General Khawaja Nazimuddin to become Prime Minister) presented the 1956 constitution.

Syed Iskandar Ali Mirza, becomes the First President of Pakistan and sacks Chaudhary Muhammad Ali as the 4^th PM of the country. Mr. Hussain Shaheed Soharwardy is appointed the 5^th PM of the country. Ayub Khan gets another two years extension on the recommendation of Iskandar Mirza from the PM H.S. Soharwardy. This extension will expire in 1959 (on 17 January 1959). It was another extension in advance. The PM Mr. Hussain Shaheed Soharwardy is not only sacked but also later produced in the court of a Lt. Colonel duly handcuffed. Mr. H.S. Soharwardy laments on his great mistake. He declared the act of granting extension to Ayub Khan as a second tragic event, the first being the death of his dearest wife,two years after his marriage. Iskandar Mirza appoints Mr. I. I. Chundrigar and Mr. Feroze Khan Noon as the 6^th and 7^th PM. Later Ayub Khan took over on 7^th October 1958 and exiled Iskandar Mirza. He died on 13^th November 1969 at the age of 70 in London. He was removed with great disgrace and humiliation and denied burial in Pakistan. Shah of Iran received his body and gave a State Funeral and buried him near the tomb of General Zahidi (Father of his ex-son-in-law Arad Sher Zahidi).

Alas! Ayub left with great disgrace and humiliation at the hands of his own hand-picked C-in-C Yahya Khan. He used to abuse the politicians even the companions of Quaid-e-Azam. The students returned the same abuse to him which was very sad. 

RELUCTANT TO RETIRE (As Reviewed by His Highness Nawabzada Akber Liaqat Ali Khan) )

"Reluctant to Retire" is reproduced below with certain corrections by His Highness Nawabzada Akber Liaquat Ali Khan - The younger Son of the Most Magnificent and Sovereign Prime Minister of Pakistan, Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan (14 August, 1947 - 16 October ,1951)

 

"The purpose of this article is to assimilate knowledge to the nation and it would prove to be a valuable academic resource for students of history and contemporary research scholars".

Left: Lt. Colonel (Retired) Syed Iskandar Ali Mirza - Right: General Muhammad Ayub Khan

This is the story of two gentlemen who were reluctant to retire on completion of their service. One was Lt. Colonel (Retired) Syed Iskandar Ali Mirza Defence Secretary, who was due for retirement in 1954 on attaining the age of 55 years (he was born on 13^th November 1899). The second one was General Muhammad Ayub Khan the Commander-in-Chief of Pakistan Army, who was due for retirement on 17^th January 1954, on completion of his three years' service (he was appointed c-in-c on 17^th January 1951). Mirza got King's Commission from Royal Military Academy Sandhurst in 1920 and Ayub got King's Commission from Sandhurst on 2^nd February 1928. While passing out, they took oath that they would ever remain loyal to the Great Britain and the British Raj at the peril of their lives. They remained true to their oaths and remained ever loyal to the King of Britain and later Queen Elizabeth II of Britain. Oblivious of their new responsibilities after independence of Pakistan on 14^th August 1947, they had their hearts and souls for their original masters and the West. Both joined hands in their personal interest exclusively (and not in the interest of the state). Both tore the entire fabric of the Nation for their lust for power by not allowing the political system to flourish in the country. Their indulgence in political affairs of the country resulted in the breakup of Pakistan (separation of East Pakistan) with great humiliation in December 1971. Iskandar Mirza's great great great grandfather Syed Mir Jafar Ali Mirza was a traitor so he had a hereditary trait of disloyalty. He served for six years in the Military Police of the British Indian Army. As a Captain, his services were transferred to Indian Political service and posted in KPK as the British Indian Political Agent in 1926 and served there upto 1946. He played his role in the best interest of the British Indian Government and also served with Olaf Chero, the British Governor of KPK at the time of Independence. This Governor had organized and inspired certain people in KPK to stage an Independent "Pakhtunistan State" comprising of present KPK and the tribal areas. Iskandar Mirza stayed In KPK for twenty long years and was instrumental in introducing tribal Sardars to the Governor. For Pakistan's bad luck, Syed Iskandar Ali Mirza was later posted in the British Indian Defence Ministry as Deputy Additional Secretary Defence. It was most unfortunate that an officer who was not from Indian Civil service (I.C.S) but from British Indian Political service and a very loyal officer of the British Indian Government was accepted in Pakistan and appointed Defence Secretary as a retired Lt. Colonel after Independence.

He was apparently very obedient and sweet but highly deceitful. Lt General(R) Abdul Majid Malik has written in his memoires that Syed Iskandar Ali Mirza made a false file and got Ayub appointed C-In-C. Now both became King Makers in Pakistan's politics. The Prime Minister Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan had liberated Azad Kashmir. Pandit Nehru approached UNO for a ceasefire assuring a plebiscite in occupied Kashmir. This event was exploited to that extent for two and a half years that ultimately became known as "The Rawalpindi Conspiracy 1951" against the authority of the PM. The Officers were not arrested or tried in a court Martial when General David Gracey was C-in-C. Major General Shahid Hamid, who was head of military intelligence never told the PM about the conspiracy. The Rawalpindi Conspiracy was dramatically leaked outasAyub was appointed C-in-C. This creates lots of doubts about the credibility of this story. Mirza and Ayub were called at Sargodha by the PM on receiving information from Mr. I. I. Chundrigar Governor KPK, who was earlier informed by a Sub Inspector Syed Askar Ali Shah (brother of late Lt Colonel Syed Sultan Ali Shah). Both lied to the PM that they knew nothing about the said conspiracy.  "They will go to Peshawar and meet Asker Ali Shah to know details". On the other hand, Ayub writes in his book that General Gracey had told him about "Young Turks" in Pakistan Army. The officers were arrested on 9^th March 1951, but their trial started on  15^th June 1951 by the Hyderabad Tribunal. Certain civilians including Faiz Ahmed Faiz were also arrested to give a communist touch to the false story. Four months after the start of trial of officers, the PM was assassinated on 16^th October 1951. If the conspiracy were true, then the life of PM was certainly in great danger, but neither Civil nor military intelligence and security cared for his life on that fateful day of October 16, 1951. PM's assassination was a blessing in disguise for Syed Iskandar Ali Mirza and Ayub Khan. They were the beneficiaries of PM assassination. They formed a Troika with Ghulam Muhammad. He was sick, a cripple and these two gentlemen were his crutches, and became King Makers; otherwise both would have retired in 1954.

Crash of the plane bringing Major General Iftikhar (GOC Lahore), and Brigadier Sher Khan near Jang Shahi between the nights of 12 and 13December 1949, was also a blessing in disguise for Iskandar Mirza Ayub axis. Similarly, crash of plane over Khewara mines carrying I.G. Special Police Mian Aitezaz Uddin was also a blessing in disguise for all those who were involved in the assassination of the PM. General Gracey had told Lt. General Wajahat Hussain  (1956) that he had not recommended Ayub as C-in-C because he was ambitious and most unsuitable for appointment as C-in-C.

65 years of Research on PM's assassination endorses the belief of Dr Ayesha Jalal that the Rawalpindi Conspiracy was a false case, organized by the British and the American Agencies in collaboration with their sympathizers in Pakistan Government and the Armed forces. It is obvious that the Rawalpindi Conspiracy involved the assassination of the PM as a drop scene. It was the main aim of fabricating the false story of the Rawalpindi Conspiracy 1951. The political scientists believe that the story of the Rawalpindi Conspiracy was fabricated to shock the PM. It intended to blindfold the PM by showing false loyalty by planning to unduly prolong the trial, create hatred against the PM and the War Heroes (alleged officers) by the print media and facilitate the assassination of the PM by neglecting or withdrawing the State Security by the Civil and Military Intelligence agencies during the visit to Rawalpindi on the fateful day of 16^th October 1951. On 17^th October 1951, the Troika of Ghulam Muhammad, Iskandar Mirza and Ayub Khan captured power. After a lapse of one and a half year, both Iskandar Mirza and Ayub Khan realized that they would have to quit their respective posts on retirement in 1954. They had no chance of staying back in their seats. They were also unlikely to get an extension from the PM Khwaja Nazimuddin. Therefore, both decided to remove the Prime Minister on 17^th April 1953. After nine months Ayub was due for retirement on 17^th January 1954, followed by the retirement of Iskandar Mirza in the same year (1954). Both the king makers called the Pakistan's Ambassador in the USA Mr. Muhammad Ali Bogra to reach Pakistan immediately. According to the message delivered to Mr. Bogra the Governor General wanted to see him immediately, failing which he would be sacked. The Ambassador managed to land at Karachi Airport between the night of 16 and 17 April 1953 after encountering great difficulties.  He was received by the king makers at the Airport and was taken to the VIP lounge. He was told to stay there till sunrise until the Governor General gets up. They told him that he has been appointed Prime Minister of Pakistan. He was surprised to know this news. In the morning Mr. Bogra was taken to the Governor General later on Mr. Bogra was taken to the office of the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin had gone to visit East Pakistan; he was declared dismissed and was instructed not to return to West Pakistan. Three Files were placed before Mr. Bogra.

According to file number 1 Mr. Iskandar Ali Mirza was appointed as the Interior Minister in addition to his duties as the Defence Secretary. According to the Second file, Ayub Khan was appointed as the Defence Minister in addition to his duties as the C-in-C. According to the third file, The Prime Minister Muhammad Ali Bogra awards three years extension to Ayub Khan as C-in-C almost nine months before the date of his actual retirement on 17^th January 1954. After a lapse of two years Mr. Bogra was sent back to the USA to resume his duties as the Pakistan's Ambassador to USA. Both Iskandar Mirza and Ayub Khan forced Ghulam Muhammad to go on two months sick leave and thus Iskandar Mirza assumed the position asActing Governor General on 6^th August 1955. On 6^th October 1955 Iskandar Mirza becomes Governor General and the Gazette notification is issued in 1955 that Iskandar Mirza had retired from the post of the Defence Secretary w.e.f. 1954. Next PM ChaudharyMuhammad Ali ( who had advised or misguided the then Governor General Khawaja Nazimuddin to become Prime Minister) presented the 1956 constitution.

Syed Iskandar Ali Mirza, becomes the First President of Pakistan and sacks Chaudhary Muhammad Ali as the 4^th PM of the country. Mr. Hussain Shaheed Soharwardy is appointed the 5^th PM of the country. Ayub Khan gets another two years extension on the recommendation of Iskandar Mirza from the PM H.S. Soharwardy. This extension will expire in 1959 (on 17 January 1959). It was another extension in advance. The PM Mr. Hussain Shaheed Soharwardy is not only sacked but also later produced in the court of a Lt. Colonel duly handcuffed. Mr. H.S. Soharwardy laments on his great mistake. He declared the act of granting extension to Ayub Khan as a second tragic event, the first being the death of his dearest wife,two years after his marriage. Iskandar Mirza appoints Mr. I. I. Chundrigar and Mr. Feroze Khan Noon as the 6^th and 7^th PM. Later Ayub Khan took over on 7^th October 1958 and exiled Iskandar Mirza. He died on 13^th November 1969 at the age of 70 in London. He was removed with great disgrace and humiliation and denied burial in Pakistan. Shah of Iran received his body and gave a State Funeral and buried him near the tomb of General Zahidi (Father of his ex-son-in-law Arad Sher Zahidi). If Mirza had opted to serve in India he had the talent to become President of India like Abul Kalam Azad and other Muslim Presidents of India like Dr. Zakir Hussain and the scientist Abul Kalam. Mirza could have earned more respect there and also a place for his burial, which was denied in Pakistan. Similarly, if Ayub Khan had opted to serve in India, after 15 Aug 1947, he might have retired from the post-Independence Indian army as a Lt. Colonel for showing tactical cowardice and losing command of his battalion on the Burma Front (in world war 2) by the order of the British GOC, or at the most he might have risen to the rank of a brigadier or a Major General (At the mercy of General Cariappa. Ayub had served under him as Lt. Colonel in his brigade when General Cariappa was a Brigadier in Waziristan. General Cariappa became Field Marshal in 1986, 33 years after his retirement in 1953) and earned some respect in post-independence Indian Army, like the brother of Actor Naseeruddin Shah aka “Tirchi Topi Wale”.

But what happened in Pakistan, he left with great disgrace and humiliation at the hands of his own hand-picked C-in-C Yahya Khan. He used to abuse the politicians even the companions of Quaid-e-Azam. The students returned the same abuse to him which was very sad.

 

Reluctant To Retire

"The purpose of this article is to assimilate knowledge to the nation and it would prove to be a valuable academic resource for students of history and contemporary research scholars".



Left: Lt. Colonel (Retired) Syed Iskandar Ali Mirza - Right: General Muhammad Ayub Khan



This is the story of two gentlemen who were reluctant to retire on completion of their service. One was Lt. Colonel (Retired) Syed Iskandar Ali Mirza Defence Secretary, who was due for retirement in 1954 on attaining the age of 55 years (he was born on 13^th November 1899). The second one was General Muhammad Ayub Khan the commander-in-chief of Pakistan Army, who was due for retirement on 17^th January 1954, on completion of his three years' service (he was appointed c-in-c on 17^th January 1951). Mirza got King's Commission from Royal Military Academy Sandhurst in 1920 and Ayub got King's Commission from Sandhurst on 2^nd February 1928. While passing out, they took oath that they will ever remain loyal to the British even at the peril of their lives. They remained true to their oaths and remained ever loyal to the King of Britain and later Queen Elizabeth II of Britain. Oblivious of their new responsibilities after independence of Pakistan on 14^th August 1947, they had their hearts and souls for their original masters and the West. Both joined hands in their personal interest exclusively (and not in the interest of the state). Iskandar Mirza's great great great grandfather Syed Mir Jafar Ali Mirza was a traitor so he had a hereditary trait of disloyalty. He served for six years in the Military Police of British Indian Army. As a Captain, his services were transferred to Indian Political service and posted in KPK as the British Indian Political Agent in 1926 and served there upto 1946. He played his role in the best interest of the British Indian Government and also served with Olaf Chero, the British Governor of KPK at the time of Independence. This Governor had organized and inspired certain people in KPK to stage an Independent "Pakhtunistan State" comprising of present KPK and the tribal areas. Iskandar Mirza stayed In KPK for twenty long years and was instrumental in introducing tribal Sardars to the Governor. For Pakistan's bad luck, Syed Iskandar Ali Mirza was later posted in the British Indian Defence Ministry as Deputy Additional Secretary Defence. It was most unfortunate that an officer who was not from Indian Civil service (I.C.S) but from British Indian Political service and a very loyal officer of the British Indian Government was accepted in Pakistan and appointed Defence Secretary as a retired Lt. Colonel after Independence.

He was apparently very obedient and sweet but highly deceitful. Lt General(R) Abdul Majid Malik has written in his memoires that Syed Iskandar Ali Mirza made a false file and got Ayub appointed C-In-C. Now both became King Makers in Pakistan's politics. The Prime Minister Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan had liberated the Azad Kashmir. Pandit Nehru approached UNO for a ceasefire assuring a plebiscite in occupied Kashmir. This event was exploited to that extent for two and a half years that ultimately became known as "The Rawalpindi Conspiracy 1951" against the authority of the PM. The Officers were not arrested or tried in a court Martial when General David Gracey was C-in-C. Major General Shahid Hamid, who was head of military intelligence never told the PM about the conspiracy. The Rawalpindi Conspiracy was dramatically leaked out as Ayub was appointed C-in-C. This creates lots of doubts about the credibility of this story. Mirza and Ayub were called at Sargodha by the PM on receiving information from Mr. I. I. Chundrigar Governor KPK, who was earlier informed by a Sub Inspector Syed Askar Ali Shah (brother of late Lt Colonel Syed Sultan Ali Shah). Both lied to the PM that they knew nothing about the said conspiracy.  "They will go to Peshawar and meet Asker Ali Shah to know details". On the other hand, Ayub writes in his book that General Gracey had told him about "Young Turks" in Pakistan Army. The officers were arrested on 9^th March 1951, but their trial started on  15^th June 1951 by the Hyderabad Tribunal. Certain civilians including Faiz Ahmed Faiz were also arrested to give a communist touch to the false story. Four months after the start of trial of officers, the PM was assassinated on 16^th October 1951. If the conspiracy were true, then the life of PM was certainly in great danger, but neither Civil nor military intelligence and security cared for his life on that fateful day of October 16, 1951. PM's assassination was a blessing in disguise for Syed Iskandar Ali Mirza and Ayub Khan. They were the beneficiaries of PM assassination. They formed a Troika with Ghulam Muhammad. He was sick, handicapped and cripple and these two gentlemen were his crutches, and became King Makers, otherwise both would had retired in 1954.

Crash of plane bringing Major General Iftikhar (GOC Lahore), and Brigadier Sher Khan near Jang Shahi between the nights of 12 and 13 December 1949, was also a blessing in disguise for Iskandar Mirza Ayub axis. Similarly, crash of plane over Khewara mines carrying I.G. Special Police Mian Aitezaz Uddin was also a blessing in disguise for all those who were involved in the assassination of the PM. General Gracey had told Lt. General Wajahat Hussain  (1956) that he had not recommended Ayub as C-in-C because he was ambitious and most unsuitable for appointment as C-in-C.

65 years of Research on PM's assassination endorses the belief of Dr Ayesha Jalal that the Rawalpindi Conspiracy was a false case, organized by the British and the American Agencies in collaboration with their sympathizers in Pakistan Government and the Armed forces. It is obvious that the Rawalpindi Conspiracy involved the assassination of the PM as a drop scene. It was the main aim of fabricating the false story of the Rawalpindi Conspiracy 1951. The political scientists believe that the story of the Rawalpindi Conspiracy was fabricated to shock the PM. It intended to blindfold the PM by showing false loyalty by planning to unduly prolong the trial, create hatred against the PM and the War Heroes (alleged officers) by the print media and facilitate the assassination of the PM by neglecting or withdrawing the State Security by the Civil and Military Intelligence agencies during the visit to Rawalpindi on the fateful day of 16^th October 1951. On 17^th October 1951, the Troika of Ghulam Muhammad, Iskandar Mirza and Ayub Khan captured power. After a lapse of one and a half year, both Iskandar Mirza and Ayub Khan realized that they would have to quit their respective posts on retirement in 1954. They had no chance of staying back in their seats. They were also unlikely to get an extension from the PM Khwaja Nazimuddin. Therefore, both decided to remove the Prime Minister on 17^th April 1953. After nine months Ayub was due for retirement on 17^th January 1954, followed by the retirement of Iskandar Mirza in the same year (1954). Both the king makers called the Pakistan's Ambassador in the USA Mr. Muhammad Ali Bogra to reach Pakistan immediately. According to the message delivered to Mr. Bogra the Governor General wanted to see him immediately, failing which he would be sacked. The Ambassador managed to land at Karachi Airport between the night of 16 and 17 April 1953 after encountering great difficulties.  He was received by the king makers on the Airport and was taken to the VIP lounge. He was told to stay there till sunrise so that the Governor general gets up. They told him that he has been appointed Prime Minister of Pakistan. He was surprised to know this news. In the morning Mr. Bogra was taken to the Governor General later on Mr. Bogra was taken to the office of the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin had gone to visit East Pakistan, he was declared dismissed and was instructed not to return to West Pakistan. Three Files were placed before Mr. Bogra.

According to file number 1 Mr. Iskandar Ali Mirza was appointed as the Interior Minister in addition to his duties as the Defence Secretary. According to the Second file, Ayub Khan was appointed as the Defence Minister in addition to his duties as the C-in-C. According to the third file,  The Prime Minister Muhammad Ali Bogra awards three years extension to Ayub Khan as C-in-C almost nine months before the date of his actual retirement on 17^th January 1954. After a lapse of two years Mr. Bogra was sent back to the USA to resume his duties as the Pakistan's Ambassador to USA. Both Iskandar Mirza and Ayub Khan forced Ghulam Muhammad to go on two months sick leave and thus Iskandar Mirza assumed the position as Acting Governor General on 6^th August 1955. On 6^th October 1955 Iskandar Mirza becomes Governor General and the Gazette notification is issued in 1955 that Iskandar Mirza had retired from the post of the Defence Secretary w.e.f. 1954. Next PM Chaudhary Muhammad Ali ( who had advised or misguided the then Governor General Khawaja Nazimuddin to become Prime Minister) presented the 1956 constitution.

Syed Iskandar Ali Mirza, becomes the First President of Pakistan and sacks Chaudhary Muhammad Ali as the 4^th PM of the country. Mr. Hussain Shaheed Soharwardy is appointed the 5^th PM of the country. Ayub Khan gets another two years extension on the recommendation of Iskandar Mirza from the PM H.S. Soharwardy. This extension will expire in 1959 (on 17 January 1959). It was another extension in advance. The PM Mr. Hussain Shaheed Soharwardy is not only sacked but also later produced in the court of a Lt. Colonel duly handcuffed. Mr. H.S. Soharwardy laments on his great mistake. He declared the act of granting extension to Ayub Khan as a second tragic event, the first being the death of his dearest wife, two years after his marriage. Iskandar Mirza appoints Mr. I. I. Chundrigar and Mr. Feroze Khan Noon as the 6^th and 7^th PM. Later Ayub Khan took over on 7^th October 1958 and exiled Iskandar Mirza.

 

Front page of DAWN: A day after the 1958 coup

Mr. Iskandar Mirza died on 13^th November 1969 at the age of 70 in London. He was removed with great disgrace and humiliation and denied burial in Pakistan. Shah of Iran received his body and gave a State Funeral and buried him near the tomb of General Zahidi (Father of his ex-son-in-law Arad Sher Zahidi). If Mirza had opted to serve in India he had the talent to become President of India like Abul Kalam Azad and other Muslim Presidents of India like Dr. Zakir Hussain and the scientist Abul Kalam. Mirza could have earned more respect there and also a place for his burial, which was denied in Pakistan. Similarly, if Ayub Khan had opted to serve in India, he might have risen to the rank of a Brigadier or a Major General (at the mercy of General Cariappa who became Field Marshal in 1986, 33 years after his retirement in 1953. When Field Marshal Cariappa was a Brigadier in Waziristan, Ayub had served under him as a Lt. Colonel in his brigade) and earned more respect like other Muslim Generals in Indian Army, like the brother of Actor Naseer Uddin Shah aka "Tirchi Topi Wale". But what happened in Pakistan, he left with great disgrace and humiliation at the hands of his own hand-picked C-in-C Yahya Khan. He used to abuse the politicians even the companions of Quaid-e-Azam. The students returned the same abuse to him which was very sad.

Bloody Drama Of Rawalpindi Conspiracy (As Reviewed by His Highness Nawabzada Akber Liaqat Ali Khan)

"The Bloody Drama of Rawalpindi Conspiracy" is reproduced below with certain corrections by His Highness Nawabzada Akber Liaqat Ali Khan - The younger Son of the Most Magnificent and Sovereign Prime Minister of Pakistan, Nawabzada Liaqat Ali Khan (14 August, 1947 - 16 October ,1951)

First Pakistani Prime Minister Mr. Liaquat Ali Khan

 

Mr. Saadat Hasan Manto had called the conspiracy a bloody drama. Rawalpindi conspiracy and the assassination of Prime Minister Mr. Liaquat Ali Khan is a three-act tragic drama with a bloody drop scene as staged on 16^th October 1951.

65 years of research fully endorses Dr. Ayesha Jalal’s belief that the conspiracy was a false case engineered by the British and American Agencies in collaboration with their sympathizers in Pakistan’s Government and Armed Forces to deprive the country of outstanding patriotic officers.

The First Act consists of a false story about the conspiracy. While the PM is working day and night for the prosperity and glory of The Nation. According to the political scientists, the story was fabricated to shock the PM. It intended to blindfold the PM by showing false loyalty by planning to unduly prolong the trial, create hatred against the PM and the alleged officers by the print media and facilitate the assassination of the PM by neglecting or withdrawing the State Security by the Civil and Military Intelligence agencies during his visit to Rawalpindi on that fateful day of 16^th October 1951.

The Second Act ends the Drama by assassination of the PM.

The Third Act comprises of seizing powers by the Troika of Ghulam Muhammad, Iskander Mirza and Ayub Khan as the main beneficiaries of the assassination of the PM.

A poet has lamented

 

“Rawalpindi Conspiracy ka vavaila ker kay,       

 jin logon ne PM per goli chalwai, 
17 October 1951 ki shaam ko
inhi ke haathon main phir hakoomat aai”

 

 Saadat Hasan Manto ne kya khoob kaha                 

“Uss din do bey gunaahon ka khoon hua”.  

 

Country’s civil and military intelligence agencies are totally ignorant but The Hero of the false story a Police Inspector Askar Ali Shah unveils the alleged conspiracy to the Governor KPK Mr. I.I Chundrigar. The PM calls the Defense Secretary Iskander Mirza and newly appointed Commander-in-chief Ayub Khan at Sargodha after learning from Mr. I. I. Chundrigar. Both of them expressed their complete ignorance about such conspiracy. Both lied to the PM. On the other hand Ayub Khan Writes in his memories that General Douglas David Gracey had told Ayub that there were young Turks in the Army. Neither General Gracey as commander-in-chief of Pakistan Army nor Ayub Khan ever informs the PM of this alleged conspiracy. Similarly, Iskander Mirza said on one occasion that he had sent Brigadier (later Major General) Akbar Khan DSO on a course to Imperial Defense College UK with the hope that he would be a changed man after attending the course. Again Iskander Mirza had lied. He wanted to defer his field posting and plan his posting as a staff officer in GHQ while Akbar Khan DSO was abroad. As obvious from the memoires of Major General Shahid Hamid, Isknader Mirza wanted to damage the careers of officers senior to Ayub Khan, particularly NAM Raza. Other seniors being M. Akbar Khan Rangroot and Ashfaq ul Majid both were Major General. As chief of intelligence Major General Shahid Hamid neglected the security of the PM on later’s visit on 16^th October 1951.

Ayub Khan used Askar Ali Shah as a scapegoat through his brother Lt. Colonel Sultan Ali Shah. Isknader Mirza and Ayub Khan trusted Khan Qurban Ali Khan IG Punjab than IG KPK. Therefore, Askar Ali Shah was directed to record his false episode with Punjab Police instead of IG KPK. There he was told that it was all non-sense. On mal-treatment by the Punjab Police he got very annoyed and told them that he has realized that he had made a great mistake by lying to the Governor KPK about the country’s brave and patriotic army officers. He said Punjab Police are very rude and impolite to fellow officers from KPK. He refused to give any statement (like Commander Mr. Moazzam of Pakistan Navy in East Pakistan during trial of Agartala Conspiracy) and disappeared and never appeared before Hyderabad Tribunal. As his forced appearance could damage the cause of the Hyderabad Tribunal. So, no security or Intelligence agency was directed to produce him in the court.  The KPK police department was directed secretly to receive and accept his resignation. His resignation or retirement was kept secret from the tribunal. As the court asked for his presence and statement, the IG KPK told the court that he had resigned and disappeared. He was not declared absconder by the court, the alleged army officers were not court martialed, and they were tried by the Tribunal with the civilians.  The civilians were arrested to give a communist touch to the conspiracy.  None of the Pakistani Army Officers were communist. Those who revolted later in October 1958, March 1969, July 1977 and October 1999 were also not communist. Where are the statements of the most important characters like Mr. I. I. Chundrigar and Mr. Askar Ali Shah, Iskander Mirza, Ayub Khan, General Douglas David Gracey (retired commander-in-chief who preferred to stay for three months in Pakistan after his retirement) Brigadier Ingel Commandant PMA.

Which statement of Ayub Khan is correct??

a)      General Gracey as commander-in-chief told him about young Turks

b)      Ayub tells the PM at Sargodha that he knows nothing about the conspiracy. He will go to Peshawar with Isknader Mirza to find facts from Askar Ali Shah.

Why the officers were not arrested and court martialed when General Gracey was commander-in-chief. Leakage of conspiracy after Ayub became Commander-in-chief creates lots of doubts. It was dramatized. Was it that the conspiracy will be precipitated (leaked out) soon after Ayub Khan becomes Commander-in-chief.

Lt. General Abdul Majid Malik has also illustrated in his memoires that both Isknader Mirza and Ayub Khan were not men of integrity and credibility. Iskander Mirza as Defense Secretary prepared a false file and recommended Ayub Khan as Commander-in-chief and thus cheated the PM and deprived the right of Major General Ashfaqul Majid and Major General NAM Raza and another senior General Muhammad Akbar Khan Rangroot for further promotion and were retired as Major Generals in 1950. On the other hand General Gracey has been reported to have told Lt. General Wajahat Hussain in 1956 that the latter had some reservations against Ayub and had told the PM that Ayub was very ambitious and unsuitable for appointment as Commander-in-chief.

There was a false allegation against Major General Akbar Khan DSO that while abroad on a course in Imperial Defense College UK, he used to meet the communists. There is no report or evidence from the commandant of the Imperial Defense College. It seems that the secret service of UK were sleeping and allowing a free hand to the communists in UK to loiter about in Imperial Defense College, UK.

Brigadier Latif was alleged to have distributed communist literature to the officers in PMA as deputy commandant under Brigadier Ingal. Where are the statements of Brigadier Ingal and the officers who received the communist literature from Brigadier Latif? The statements of the approvers and the alleged officers were inconsistent.

The witnesses were mostly blue eyed officers of Ayub Khan. The officers were arrested on 9^th March 1951 but the court assembled and started its job after three months on 15^th June 1951. The trial was unnecessarily prolonged to strengthen the position of the Troika of Ghulam Muhammad, Isknader Mirza and Ayub Khan and cheat the PM before he was assassinated. Objectives of the conspiracy were achieved by removing the PM from the scene by violence, then to gain more time and divert the attention of the nation , the trial was unnecessarily prolonged first from 15^th June 1951 to 16^th October 1951 and then after 16^th October 1951 (assassination day) to 5^th January 1953. The prolonged proceedings of the Hyderabad Tribunal and assigning inquiry to incompetent Punjab Police already guilty of negligence damaged the cause of exposing men behind the scene who were responsible for PMs Assassination. However, men behind the scene were already in power in the form of a Troika.

Such trials are concluded speedily without any wastage of time. It is an operational matter, were they waiting for the departure of General Gracey to UK who was staying in Pakistan after retirement or because Ayub Khan was going to USA to receive the Highest Award Legion of Merit or it took three months for the false witnesses to learn the dialogues by heart to ejaculate in the Hyderabad Tribunal. During these three months (9^th March 1951 to 15^th June 1951) Police Inspector Askar Ali Shah refused to take part in the bloody drama of the Rawalpindi Conspiracy and disappeared. If the conspiracy had been a reality, then life of the PM was certainly in danger and civil and military intelligence agencies were required to be very prompt, active and vigilant to ensure the security of the Prime Minister on 16^th October 1951. The PM was assassinated exactly four months after start of inquiry by the tribunal on 15^thJune 1951. Since it was a false case and a part of intrigue, therefore, failure of intelligence occurred due to willful negligence and security was not provided to the PM intentionally. Therefore. Failure of civil and military Intelligence and security arrangement caused assassination of PM on 16^th October 1951.

Saadat Hasan Manto wrote in Daily Afaq of 23^rd October 1951 that ‘Two innocent people were killed on 16^th October 1951’. Said Akbar was a scapegoat. The script writers of the conspiracy were the men behind the scene, who staged the assassination with two hired assassins. They simultaneously fired one bullet each into the heart of the Prime Minister and these simultaneous two bullets without a gap or time lag killed the Prime Minister.  The sound of two bullets simultaneously fired at the PM without a gap is available on the internet from the recording of Radio Pakistan on 16^th October 1951 at 3:45 PM (Tuesday). The third shot is fired after eight seconds by Najaf Khan to give a signal to the police and best known to him alone. It was followed by a volley of fire in air which caused stampede and great confusion at the site. This third fire was admitted by Najaf Khan before Munir Inquiry Commission.

Liaquat's Assassination and Rawalpindi Conspiracy

Liaquat Ali Khan

Former Prime Minister of Pakistan

Quaid-e-Millat Liaquat Ali Khan was assassinated on October 16th, 1951 at Company Bagh (Liaquat Bagh) in Rawalpindi. He will always enjoy a unique status as a founding father in the history of Pakistan. He was sovereign Prime Minister of Pakistan. He confronted the internal and external challenges courageously. Unfortunately, however, the character assassination of the trustworthy lieutenant of the Father of Nation, Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan, was constantly done by the vested interest. His excellent services, marvelous achievements and his glamorous period of four years, two months and two days is removed from the textbooks to keep young generation ignorant about his services to the nation as a sovereign Prime Minister.

The four beneficiaries of the Prime Minister's assassination, who ruled for a period of 20 years and two months from 17th October 1951 to 20th December 1971, had totally ignored the then Soviet Union. After a couple of years, a U2 reconnaissance plane (flown by Francis Gary Powers) was shot down by the Russians (soon after taking off from Peshawar Airbase) on 1st May 1960. It is an historical fact that Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan was keen to visit Moscow but the invitation extended to him by the Soviet government could not materialize because the date of visit proposed by Moscow coincided with Pakistan's Independence Day the 14th August. However, Liaquat Ali Khan maintained an independent foreign policy & did not compromise on principles.

Coming to the assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan, it would be worth mentioning that the bullet removed from Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan by Colonel Dr Mian (later General Dr Mian) on 16th October 1951 were similar to the three bullet which were earlier removed from assassinated Iranian Prime Minister General Haj Ali Razmara on 7th March 1951. These were special bullets used by US officers and were never issued to Iranian or Pakistani Armed forces or police. The enquiry of Prime Minister's assassination was entrusted to inspector general of special police Aitezazuddin and after crash of his plane, the real conspirators later entrusted the inquiry of PM's assassination to highly incompetent and irresponsible Punjab Police who was already guilty of negligence in providing security to the Prime Minister and even handling the issue by killing the alleged assassin. The writer of this article happened to meet the police officer who shot five gun bullets on the alleged murderer Said Akbar in the Company Bagh on October 16th 1951. Some fellow students of Zamindar College of Gujrat accompanied me in the said meeting which was at his village in the District. Shah Mohammad did not answer seriously and was diplomatic in his language. We asked him as to why he shot at the alleged murderer of the Prime Minister when he was already in critical condition after receiving wound from the persons surrounded him at the venue of Rawalpindi public meeting. He told that the alleged murderer killed such a great leader that if he (police officer) had any other weapon, he would use that blindly on the mob. After some time, the police officer Shah Mohammad or Mohammad Shah was brutally murdered and his body was cut into small pieces near his house in the village. His killers came on horses along with a jeep car. This car plunged into a nearby canal and was taken out with the help of a crane. This whole incident proves that the forces behind the assassination of Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan were influential and effective even in 1960.

The brief recording of the Company Bagh's public meeting is available on internet which reveals that as soon as Liaquat Ali Khan started his speech by saying "Bradaran-e-Millat" two shots were fired at him simultaneously which means that there were two persons who fired the bullets at a time on the prime minister. In case the shots were fired by a single person, there would have been a shot gap between the shots of the bullets. If we critically examine the statements of the witnesses gave to the Justice Munir Commission, we find contradictions in the evidence given by them. The Commission's Report reveals that Police officer Najaf Khan was standing behind the dice of the meeting. The recording of Radio

Pakistan available on the internet further shows that the two bullets were fired by Najaf Khan which were followed by frequent fire in the venue of the meeting which made it difficult to shift the injured prime minister immediately to the hospital. The entire game seems to be planned by the conspirators which were locals but sponsored by foreigners. The names of Malik Ghulam Muhammad, Nawab Mushtaq Gurmani, Iskandar Mirza and even Ayub Khan cannot be ruled out in view of the aftermath circumstances developed as a result of the assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan. Later on, the body of the Quaid-e-Millat was brought to the federal capital Karachi in the aeroplane of the Governor General whereas Khwaja Nazimuddin used another plane to travel to Karachi. His plane reached Karachi an hour later than that of the plane carrying Liaquat's body. The pilot of the plane carrying the Governor General wrote in his memoirs that he waited for a considerable time - more than an hour - to leave the plane because Khwaja Nazimuddin remained in the plane. The then Secretary General of Government of Pakistan Chaudhry Mohammad Ali entered in Khwaja Sahab's plane and stayed with him. It is apparent that the Secretary General would have been convincing Khwaja Nazimuddin to quit the office of the Governor General and become the successor of Liaquat Ali Khan in the office of the Prime Minister.

Why Liaquat was assassinated because he made a master plan for boosting agriculture, gaining self-sufficiency in food, cotton, sugarcane, fruits, exploring mineral resources, petroleum, enhancing agriculture by improving irrigation network, canals, dams for storage of water and generation of hydroelectric power, self sufficiency in weaponry and industrialization.

Let us now talk about the Rawalpindi conspiracy. Like the Arabian Nights or Alif Laila it can be called the Rawalpindi conspiracy 1951 which was planned on Dinner Nights extending over a period of about thousand nights but for one reason or the other it could not be put into practice. It is strange that the intelligence agencies, Defense Secretary and C-in-C were ignorant about the alleged conspiracy under process for two and a half years.

It is just like a fairy tale that Akbar Khan conspires without a gun, tank, brigade or division. Only eleven officers were going to do some miracles with four civilians including his wife.

There are sufficient reasons to believe that there had been a real conspiracy behind this alleged conspiracy and the objectives of the real conspirators was to create a gap and ill will between the civil and military leadership. The other objective was to destabilize the state and the popular government of Pakistan headed by the Quaid-e-Millat Liaquat Ali Khan in order to serve the designs of their foreign masters. Major General Akbar Khan was a popular figure in Royal Pakistan Army and therefore the then C-in-C Ayub Khan and Secretary Defense Iskandar Mirza avoided the Court Martial of the alleged conspirators and preferred to put the Rawalpindi conspiracy case to the civil judicial tribunal for judgement. The conspiracy was discovered around 23rd February 1951, the case was started in the tribunal in June 1951 and decided in 1953. The prosecution side took a lengthy course which was time consuming and the aim behind this process was to strengthen the position of General Muhammad Ayub Khan as the commander in Chief because his out of turn promotion was on account of the blessings of Iskandar Mirza. Another object of this lengthy trial in the civil tribunal was to hurt the popularity and reputation of Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan and his government. It would be pertinent to note that the SOP applicable in the civil service was the legacy of British Colonial rule. It is still in vogue. According to the process the note was used to be routed through the secretary of the concerned ministry and therefore the case of the promotion and appointment of native commander in chief of Pakistan Army was routed through Iskandar Mirza who did full favor to him.

Bloody Drama Of Rawalpindi Conspiracy

First Pakistani Prime Minister Mr. Liaquat Ali Khan

Mr. Saadat Hasan Manto had called the conspiracy a bloody drama. Rawalpindi conspiracy and the assassination of Prime Minister Mr. Liaquat Ali Khan is a three-act tragic drama with a bloody drop scene as staged on 16^th October 1951.

65 years of research fully endorses Dr. Ayesha Jalal’s belief that the conspiracy was a false case engineered by the British and American Agencies in collaboration with their sympathizers in Pakistan’s Government and Armed Forces to deprive the country of outstanding patriotic officers.

The First Act consists of a false story about the conspiracy. While the PM is working day and night for the prosperity and glory of The Nation. According to the political scientists, the story was fabricated to bring the PM to a great shock, despair and a political hangover. It intended to blindfold the PM by showing false loyalty by planning to unduly prolong the trial, create hatred against the PM and the alleged officers by the print media and facilitate the assassination of the PM by neglecting or withdrawing the State Security by the Civil and Military Intelligence agencies during his visit to Rawalpindi on that fateful day of 16^th October 1951.

The Second Act ends the Drama by assassination of the PM.

The Third Act comprises of seizing powers by the Troika of Ghulam Muhammad, Iskander Mirza and Ayub Khan as the main beneficiaries of the assassination of the PM.

A poet has lamented

 

“Rawalpindi Conspiracy ka vavaila ker kay,       

 jin logon ne PM per goli chalwai, 
17 October 1951 ki shaam ko
inhi ke haathon main phir hakoomat aai”

 

 Saadat Hasan Manto ne kya khoob kaha                 

“Uss din do bey gunaahon ka khoon hua”.  

Country’s civil and military intelligence agencies are totally ignorant but The Hero of the false story a Police Inspector Askar Ali Shah unveils the alleged conspiracy to the Governor KPK Mr. I.I Chundrigar. The PM calls the Defense Secretary Iskander Mirza and newly appointed Commander-in-chief Ayub Khan at Sargodha after learning from Mr. I. I. Chundrigar. Both of them expressed their complete ignorance about such conspiracy. Both lied to the PM. On the other hand Ayub Khan writes in his memoires that General Douglas David Gracey had told Ayub that there were young Turks in the Army. Neither General Gracey as commander-in-chief of Pakistan Army nor Ayub Khan ever informs the PM of this alleged conspiracy. Similarly, Iskander Mirza said on one occasion that he had sent Brigadier (later Major General) Akbar Khan DSO on a course to Imperial Defense College UK with the hope that he would be a changed man after attending the course. Again Iskander Mirza had lied. He wanted to defer his field posting and plan his posting as a staff officer in GHQ while Akbar Khan DSO was abroad. As obvious from the memoires of Major General Shahid Hamid, Isknader Mirza wanted to damage the careers of officers senior to Ayub Khan, particularly NAM Raza. Other seniors being M. Akbar Khan Rangroot and Ashfaq ul Majid both were Major General. As chief of intelligence Major General Shahid Hamid neglected the security of the PM on later’s visit on 16^thOctober 1951.

Ayub Khan used Askar Ali Shah as a scapegoat through his brother Lt. Colonel Sultan Ali Shah. Isknader Mirza and Ayub Khan trusted more in Khan Qurban Ali Khan IG Punjab than IG KPK. Therefore, Askar Ali Shah was directed to record his false episode with Punjab Police instead of IG KPK. There he told that it was all non-sense. On mal-treatment by the Punjab Police he got very much annoyed and told them that he has realized that he had made a great mistake by lying to the Governor KPK about the country’s brave and patriotic army officers. He said Punjab Police is very rude and impolite to fellow officers from KPK. He refused to give any statement (like Commander Mr. Moazzam of Pakistan Navy in East Pakistan during trial of Agartala Conspiracy) and disappeared and never appeared before Hyderabad Tribunal. As his forced appearance could damage the cause of the Hyderabad Tribunal. So, no security or Intelligence agency was directed to produce him in the court.  The KPK police department was directed secretly to receive and accept his resignation. His resignation or retirement was kept secret from the tribunal. As the court asked for his presence and statement, the IG KPK told the court that he has resigned and disappeared. He was not declared absconder by the court, the alleged army officers were not court martialed, and they were tried by the Tribunal with the civilians.  The civilians were arrested to give a communist touch to the conspiracy.  None of the Pakistani Army Officers was a communist. Those who revolted later in October 1958, March 1969, July 1977 and October 1999 were also not communist. Where are the statements of the most important characters like Mr. I. I. Chundrigar and Mr. Askar Ali Shah, Iskander Mirza, Ayub Khan, General Douglas David Gracey (retired commander-in-chief who preferred to stay for three months in Pakistan after his retirement) Brigadier Ingel Commandant PMA.

 Which statement of Ayub Khan is correct??

a)      General Gracey as commander-in-chief told him about young Turks

b)      Ayub tells the PM at Sargodha that he knows nothing about the conspiracy. He will go to Peshawar with Isknader Mirza to find facts from Askar Ali Shah.

Why the officers were not arrested and court martialed when General Gracey was commander-in-chief. Leakage of conspiracy after Ayub became Commander-in-chief creates lots of doubts. It was dramatized. Was is a chemical reaction that the conspiracy will be precipitated (leaked out) soon after Ayub Khan becomes Commander-in-chief.

Lt. General Abdul Majid Malik has also illustrated in his memoires that both Isknader Mirza and Ayub Khan were not men of integrity and credibility. Iskander Mirza as Defense Secretary prepared a false file and recommended Ayub Khan as Commander-in-chief and thus cheated the PM and deprived the right of Major General Ashfaq ul Majid and Major General NAM Raza and another senior General Muhammad Akbar Khan Rangroot was not further promoted and retired as Major General in 1950. On the other hand General Gracey has been reported to have told Lt. General Wajahat Hussain in 1956 that the latter had some reservations against Ayub and had told the PM that Ayub was very ambitious and unsuitable for appointment as Commander-in-chief.

There was a false allegation against Major General Akbar Khan DSO that while abroad on a course in Imperial Defense College UK, he used to meet the communists. There is no report in evidence from the commandant of the Imperial Defense College. It seems that the secret service of UK were sleeping and allowing a free hand to the communists in UK to loiter about in Imperial Defense College, UK.

Brigadier Latif was alleged to have distributed communist literature to the officers in PMA as deputy commandant under Brigadier Ingal. Where are the statements of Brigadier Ingal and the officers who received the communist literature from Brigadier Latif? The statements of the approvers and the alleged officers were inconsistent.

The witnesses were mostly blue eyed officers of Ayub Khan. The officer were arrested on 9^th March 1951 but the court assembled and started its job after three months on 15^thJune 1951. The trial was unnecessarily prolonged to strengthen the position of the Troika of Ghulam Muhammad, Isknader Mirza and Ayub Khan and cheat the PM before he was assassinated. Objectives of the conspiracy were achieved by removing the PM from the scene by violence, then to gain more time and divert the attention of the nation , the trial was unnecessarily prolonged first from 15^th June 1951 to 16^th October 1951 and then after 16^th October 1951 (assassination day) to 5^th January 1953. The prolonged proceedings of the Hyderabad Tribunal and assigning inquiry to incompetent Punjab Police already guilty of negligence damaged the cause of exposing men behind the scene who were responsible for PMs Assassination. However, men behind the scene were already in power in the form of a Troika.

Such trials are concluded speedily without any wastage of time. It is an operational matter, were they waiting for the departure of General Gracey to UK who was staying in Pakistan after retirement or because Ayub Khan was going to USA to receive the Highest Award Legion of Merit or it took three months for the false witnesses to learn the dialogues by heart to ejaculate in the Hyderabad Tribunal. During these three months (9^th March 1951 to 15^th June 1951) Police Inspector Askar Ali Shah refused to take part in the bloody drama of the Rawalpindi Conspiracy and disappeared. If the conspiracy had been a reality, then life of the PM was certainly in danger and civil and military intelligence agencies were required to be very prompt, active and vigilant to ensure the security of the Prime Minister on 16^th October 1951. The PM was assassinated exactly four months after start of inquiry by the tribunal on 15^th June 1951. Since it was a false case and a part of intrigue, therefore, failure of intelligence occurred due to willful negligence and security was not provided to the PM intentionally. Therefore. Failure of civil and military Intelligence and security arrangement caused assassination of PM on 16^th October 1951.

Saadat Hasan Manto wrote in Daily Afaq of 23^rd October 1951 that ‘Two innocent people were killed on 16^th October 1951’. Said Akbar was a scapegoat. The script writers of the conspiracy were the men behind the scene, who staged the assassination with two hired assassins. They simultaneously fired one bullet each into the heart of the Prime Minister and these simultaneous two bullets without shot gap or time lag killed the Prime Minister.  The sound of two bullets simultaneously fired at the PM without shot gap is available on the internet from the recording of Radio Pakistan on 16^th October 1951 at 3:45 PM (Tuesday). The third shot is fired after eight seconds by Najaf Khan to give a signal to the police and best known to him alone. It was followed by a volley of fire in air which caused stampede and great confusion at the site. This third fire was admitted by Najaf Khan before Munir Inquiry Commission.