"The Bloody Drama of Rawalpindi Conspiracy" is reproduced below with certain corrections by His Highness Nawabzada Akber Liaqat Ali Khan - The younger Son of the Most Magnificent and Sovereign Prime Minister of Pakistan, Nawabzada Liaqat Ali Khan (14 August, 1947 - 16 October ,1951)
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| First Pakistani Prime Minister Mr. Liaquat Ali Khan |
Mr. Saadat Hasan Manto had called the conspiracy a bloody
drama. Rawalpindi conspiracy and the assassination of Prime Minister Mr.
Liaquat Ali Khan is a three-act tragic drama with a bloody drop scene as staged
on 16th October 1951.
65 years of research fully endorses Dr. Ayesha Jalal’s belief
that the conspiracy was a false case engineered by the British and American
Agencies in collaboration with their sympathizers in Pakistan’s Government and
Armed Forces to deprive the country of outstanding patriotic officers.
The First Act consists of a false story about the
conspiracy. While the PM is working day and night for the prosperity and glory
of The Nation. According to the political scientists, the story was fabricated
to shock the PM. It intended to blindfold the PM by showing false loyalty by
planning to unduly prolong the trial, create hatred against the PM and the
alleged officers by the print media and facilitate the assassination of the PM
by neglecting or withdrawing the State Security by the Civil and Military Intelligence
agencies during his visit to Rawalpindi on that fateful day of 16th
October 1951.
The Second Act ends the Drama by assassination of
the PM.
The Third Act comprises of seizing powers by the
Troika of Ghulam Muhammad, Iskander Mirza and Ayub Khan as the main
beneficiaries of the assassination of the PM.
A poet has lamented
17 October 1951 ki shaam ko
inhi ke haathon main phir hakoomat aai”
“Rawalpindi Conspiracy ka vavaila ker kay,
jin logon ne PM per goli chalwai, 17 October 1951 ki shaam ko
inhi ke haathon main phir hakoomat aai”
Saadat Hasan Manto ne kya khoob kaha
“Uss din do bey gunaahon ka khoon hua”.
Country’s civil and military intelligence agencies are
totally ignorant but The Hero of the false story a Police Inspector Askar Ali
Shah unveils the alleged conspiracy to the Governor KPK Mr. I.I Chundrigar. The
PM calls the Defense Secretary Iskander Mirza and newly appointed
Commander-in-chief Ayub Khan at Sargodha after learning from Mr. I. I.
Chundrigar. Both of them expressed their complete ignorance about such
conspiracy. Both lied to the PM. On the other hand Ayub Khan Writes in his memories
that General Douglas David Gracey had told Ayub that there were young Turks in
the Army. Neither General Gracey as commander-in-chief of Pakistan Army nor
Ayub Khan ever informs the PM of this alleged conspiracy. Similarly, Iskander
Mirza said on one occasion that he had sent Brigadier (later Major General)
Akbar Khan DSO on a course to Imperial Defense College UK with the hope that he
would be a changed man after attending the course. Again Iskander Mirza had
lied. He wanted to defer his field posting and plan his posting as a staff
officer in GHQ while Akbar Khan DSO was abroad. As obvious from the memoires of
Major General Shahid Hamid, Isknader Mirza wanted to damage the careers of
officers senior to Ayub Khan, particularly NAM Raza. Other seniors being M.
Akbar Khan Rangroot and Ashfaq ul Majid both were Major General. As chief of
intelligence Major General Shahid Hamid neglected the security of the PM on
later’s visit on 16th October 1951.
Ayub Khan used Askar Ali Shah as a scapegoat through his
brother Lt. Colonel Sultan Ali Shah. Isknader Mirza and Ayub Khan trusted Khan
Qurban Ali Khan IG Punjab than IG KPK. Therefore, Askar Ali Shah was directed
to record his false episode with Punjab Police instead of IG KPK. There he was
told that it was all non-sense. On mal-treatment by the Punjab Police he got
very annoyed and told them that he has realized that he had made a great
mistake by lying to the Governor KPK about the country’s brave and patriotic
army officers. He said Punjab Police are very rude and impolite to fellow
officers from KPK. He refused to give any statement (like Commander Mr. Moazzam
of Pakistan Navy in East Pakistan during trial of Agartala Conspiracy) and
disappeared and never appeared before Hyderabad Tribunal. As his forced
appearance could damage the cause of the Hyderabad Tribunal. So, no security or
Intelligence agency was directed to produce him in the court. The KPK police department was directed
secretly to receive and accept his resignation. His resignation or retirement
was kept secret from the tribunal. As the court asked for his presence and
statement, the IG KPK told the court that he had resigned and disappeared. He
was not declared absconder by the court, the alleged army officers were not
court martialed, and they were tried by the Tribunal with the civilians. The civilians were arrested to give a
communist touch to the conspiracy. None
of the Pakistani Army Officers were communist. Those who revolted later in
October 1958, March 1969, July 1977 and October 1999 were also not communist.
Where are the statements of the most important characters like Mr. I. I.
Chundrigar and Mr. Askar Ali Shah, Iskander Mirza, Ayub Khan, General Douglas
David Gracey (retired commander-in-chief who preferred to stay for three months
in Pakistan after his retirement) Brigadier Ingel Commandant PMA.
Which statement of Ayub Khan is correct??
a)
General Gracey as commander-in-chief told him about
young Turks
b)
Ayub tells the PM at Sargodha that he knows nothing
about the conspiracy. He will go to Peshawar with Isknader Mirza to find facts
from Askar Ali Shah.
Why the officers were not arrested and court martialed when
General Gracey was commander-in-chief. Leakage of conspiracy after Ayub became
Commander-in-chief creates lots of doubts. It was dramatized. Was it that the
conspiracy will be precipitated (leaked out) soon after Ayub Khan becomes
Commander-in-chief.
Lt. General Abdul Majid Malik has also illustrated in his
memoires that both Isknader Mirza and Ayub Khan were not men of integrity and
credibility. Iskander Mirza as Defense Secretary prepared a false file and
recommended Ayub Khan as Commander-in-chief and thus cheated the PM and
deprived the right of Major General Ashfaqul Majid and Major General NAM Raza
and another senior General Muhammad Akbar Khan Rangroot for further promotion
and were retired as Major Generals in 1950. On the other hand General Gracey
has been reported to have told Lt. General Wajahat Hussain in 1956 that the
latter had some reservations against Ayub and had told the PM that Ayub was
very ambitious and unsuitable for appointment as Commander-in-chief.
There was a false allegation against Major General Akbar Khan
DSO that while abroad on a course in Imperial Defense College UK, he used to
meet the communists. There is no report or evidence from the commandant of the
Imperial Defense College. It seems that the secret service of UK were sleeping
and allowing a free hand to the communists in UK to loiter about in Imperial
Defense College, UK.
Brigadier Latif was alleged to have distributed communist literature
to the officers in PMA as deputy commandant under Brigadier Ingal. Where are
the statements of Brigadier Ingal and the officers who received the communist
literature from Brigadier Latif? The statements of the approvers and the
alleged officers were inconsistent.
The witnesses were mostly blue eyed officers of Ayub Khan.
The officers were arrested on 9th March 1951 but the court assembled
and started its job after three months on 15th June 1951. The trial
was unnecessarily prolonged to strengthen the position of the Troika of Ghulam
Muhammad, Isknader Mirza and Ayub Khan and cheat the PM before he was
assassinated. Objectives of the conspiracy were achieved by removing the PM
from the scene by violence, then to gain more time and divert the attention of
the nation , the trial was unnecessarily prolonged first from 15th June
1951 to 16th October 1951 and then after 16th October
1951 (assassination day) to 5th January 1953. The prolonged
proceedings of the Hyderabad Tribunal and assigning inquiry to incompetent
Punjab Police already guilty of negligence damaged the cause of exposing men
behind the scene who were responsible for PMs Assassination. However, men
behind the scene were already in power in the form of a Troika.
Such trials are concluded speedily without any wastage of
time. It is an operational matter, were they waiting for the departure of
General Gracey to UK who was staying in Pakistan after retirement or because
Ayub Khan was going to USA to receive the Highest Award Legion of Merit or it
took three months for the false witnesses to learn the dialogues by heart to
ejaculate in the Hyderabad Tribunal. During these three months (9th
March 1951 to 15th June 1951) Police Inspector Askar Ali Shah
refused to take part in the bloody drama of the Rawalpindi Conspiracy and
disappeared. If the conspiracy had been a reality, then life of the PM was
certainly in danger and civil and military intelligence agencies were required
to be very prompt, active and vigilant to ensure the security of the Prime
Minister on 16th October 1951. The PM was assassinated exactly four
months after start of inquiry by the tribunal on 15thJune 1951.
Since it was a false case and a part of intrigue, therefore, failure of
intelligence occurred due to willful negligence and security was not provided
to the PM intentionally. Therefore. Failure of civil and military Intelligence
and security arrangement caused assassination of PM on 16th October
1951.
Saadat Hasan Manto wrote in Daily Afaq of 23rd
October 1951 that ‘Two innocent people were killed on 16th October
1951’. Said Akbar was a scapegoat. The script writers of the conspiracy were
the men behind the scene, who staged the assassination with two hired
assassins. They simultaneously fired one bullet each into the heart of the
Prime Minister and these simultaneous two bullets without a gap or time lag
killed the Prime Minister. The sound of
two bullets simultaneously fired at the PM without a gap is available on the
internet from the recording of Radio Pakistan on 16th October 1951
at 3:45 PM (Tuesday). The third shot is fired after eight seconds by Najaf Khan
to give a signal to the police and best known to him alone. It was followed by
a volley of fire in air which caused stampede and great confusion at the site. This
third fire was admitted by Najaf Khan before Munir Inquiry Commission.
